The human rights activist, like 60,000 of his fellow Belarusians, lives in exile in Lithuania. We met him during his recent visit to Brussels. There he often represents Viasna, the largest human rights center in Belarus, and Ales Bialyatsky, founder of the Belarusian Popular Front and co-winner of the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize and currently imprisoned in Belarus.
Voxeurop: What is Viasna and what does it do?
Kanstanshin Staradubets: In short, we provide free legal advice and other types of assistance (humanitarian, practical) to victims of human rights violations, we collect information about human rights violations, publish it on our website and social media accounts, and share this . We provide information through pro-democracy media based in safe places in exile.
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We have sources on the ground in Belarus. They collect information about what is happening not only in Minsk or the main cities, but throughout the country, because the repression literally affects every village and city. In fact, after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the majority of victims of human rights violations were in the southern region. That’s where people saw with their own eyes the Russian army moving towards Ukraine. They could not remain silent and shared the information with human rights activists and independent media. Some of them were arrested, beaten and tortured and sentenced to up to 23 years in prison for ‘anti-war propaganda’ and even up to 25 years for ‘terrorism’.
How do you provide humanitarian assistance or legal advice in Belarus and within the incarceration system?
I cannot go into detail because it is very dangerous, but the nature of the country’s prison system and criminal prosecution system limits the possibility of contacting and visiting people who have been arrested or are serving sentences. This means that in real life, only family members can do this. Our main mission is therefore to ensure that families and political prisoners receive this support and can share it with their loved ones. Of course, it is a dangerous job, and there are many cases where the families of political prisoners are arrested for criticizing the authorities.
Ales Bialiatski, now 62, has been imprisoned since 2021, first on charges of “tax evasion”, and then in March 2023 on charges of “cash smuggling” and “financing of organizations that seriously harm the public”. He was sentenced to 10 years in prison. “Order” – all charges that human rights groups see as fabricated to silence him and his movement after he won the Nobel Peace Prize. What is he doing and what is his state of mind?
Unfortunately, he cannot properly carry out his human rights work while in detention. Moreover, he is assigned to perform unpaid physical labor six days a week, so he doesn’t really have much free time. We don’t get much information from them because the prison authorities and various other government agencies deliberately block information coming from inside the prisons and block letters coming inside. So the prisoners remain in a vacuum, unaware of what is happening in their country.
They are not allowed to receive news from outside. When the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began, many prisoners began to broadcast propaganda articles about this on state TV just a few weeks later, or began to dispute the fact that some missiles were launched from Belarusian territory. Imagine finding out.
Bialitski is not completely isolated like many other famous political prisoners. He can still receive letters from his wife and send letters, but he gets no news because prisoners cannot write or read political or economic content in their letters. This is strictly prohibited. They can only talk about what they do in their daily lives without criticizing the authorities or their conditions as prisoners.
Did the Nobel Prize make any difference to the conditions of his detention?
We can’t be sure about that, but at least we know he’s not completely uncommunicative and at least he’s alive. We hope that this award increases the hostage costs of Alexander Lukashenka’s regime. He will be valued as a sign of peaceful negotiations in the future. This is something Lukashanka has done many times before, so we expect him to do it again.
He doesn’t complain. His motivation was high and he said it was okay and that we should continue. As a role model, he understands that his example is inspiring. Despite the situation, he can’t help but feel bad.
Viasna operates in exile in Vilnius, Lithuania, where the president-elect’s government in exile is located. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya Also solved. Do you work with them?
Of course. We are collaborating with Tsikhanouskaya’s office on topics we share, including supporting political prisoners and their families, as well as former prisoners. In this case, we coordinate our activities.
Almost five years after the arrival of large-scale political refugees, how are the Lithuanian authorities and the Lithuanian people treating the Belarusian community in exile?
They continue to support us with legalization, visas and many other aspects that are basic necessities for our survival as an organization. Of course, there was some opposition to Belarusians seeking refuge after the war began. Belarus is an ally of the aggressor, because this is not the policy of the government. Opinion poll published by newspaper at the end of 2023 Delphi It found that only 5% of Lithuanians support welcoming Belarusians to Lithuania. It was kind of a shock to us because we never feel that when we relate to the authorities, and we never feel any hostility from the people.
How many Belarusians are in exile in Lithuania?
There are no official figures, but the most reliable figure is at least 60,000. Most of them are in Vilnius. Vilnius is a very small city. Just over 600,000 people live in a country with a population of just 2.8 million. Of course, this had an impact on society, especially with rents soaring, but it also had a positive side, as most people found jobs and paid their taxes. Many of Belarus’ leading IT companies have moved to Lithuania since 2020.
What channels of communication still exist between Western countries and the Belarusian regime?
The only channel of communication is through the embassies of Western countries in Minsk, which are associated with the Belarusian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Belarus has experienced a massive brain drain over the past few years, with people fleeing for economic as well as political reasons. What specific policies has the regime applied to bring back some of its most valuable workers?
The purpose of the restrictions recently introduced by the government on passport renewal (from September 2023 Belarusian passports can no longer be renewed at consulates abroad, but only at Belarusian offices) is to force economic rather than political exiles to return to Belarus and contribute. It will. To a dysfunctional economy. Maybe some IT staff will choose to return. But for us political and human rights activists, this is not an option. Only a regime change will bring us back. But I don’t expect the upcoming elections to bring about this change. Ukraine is more likely to win a war with Russia. This can have several consequences. Although Vladimir Putin is still in power but weakened, Lukashenka may feel safer to switch sides and use political prisoners to open negotiations with the West, as he has done on several occasions. For example, to lift sanctions you need to trade tokens.
When the regime changes, our exiles will return. But I don’t expect the upcoming elections to bring about this change. Ukraine is more likely to win a war with Russia.
What is the support of the Belarusian people for the Russian invasion?
In fact, Putin and Lukashenka have promised minimal military support for Russia’s so-called ‘special military operation’ in Ukraine because this operation is very unpopular among the Belarusian people. A greater intervention by the Belarusian military would stoke discontent among the population, and thus potential unrest and instability could escape Lukashenka’s control. And this is certainly what President Putin does not want. Moreover, the Belarusian military is small, underprepared, inexperienced and underequipped.
Is Belarusian society ready for regime change? Or maybe Lukashenka completely eradicated civil society.
For that to happen, I think we need a minimum social foundation. There are many people who said “no” to Russia and “yes” to the future of Europe. This did not change even after the 2020 election fraud. We also believe in the positive impact of civil society that can help in this transformation process. Of course, the role of the political opposition is also important. The success of this transition will depend on how effective democratic forces are during this period. We don’t know what these forces will look like then, but what we see today is that they fully adhere to human rights values and democracy. There is no pro-Russian sentiment, not even arguments that Russia will be an ally in the future of Belarus. This should ensure a pro-European Belarus.
Is there a generational gap between supporters and opponents of Lukashenka’s regime?
Yes, of course. It’s very obvious. The younger generation is mostly pro-European and understands why human rights are important. Younger generations do not watch television, so they are not as exposed to government propaganda. The main sources of information are social media and the internet, you cannot completely block them and find ways to read independent websites inside Belarus. Even older people can watch YouTube and know how to use a VPN.
Do you plan to monitor the January 26th presidential election like the last general election and last year’s general election? What do you expect from them?
As with previous elections, we assume that the vote will be rigged, that the government will announce a massive turnout (about 80% of eligible voters), and that Lukashenka will be re-elected with over 80% of the vote. As in the past, we expect the government to force those who depend on the state for their jobs, i.e. 70% of the active population, to vote. Of course, this cannot be verified because polling stations do not submit reports on voting and independent international organizations such as the OSCE are not permitted to monitor voting. We will be observing the election from the outside through monitoring social media conversations, on-the-ground citizen observation, and reporting through protected channels.
I would like to emphasize once again that the situation of people imprisoned in Belarus is often underestimated. For many of the prisoners, the prison sentence was a death sentence because they had principles.
What do you expect from the EU?
There are two things. The first is support for civil society and political opposition. Financial support for civil society is critical to helping the thousands of people who have been, are, and expected to become victims of repression.
Second, we want more visibility into Belarus and what is happening there. The less people speak and know about the situation there, the more Lukashenka wins, the Belarusian people are forgotten, and the more repressive the regime can become because of this.
We also hope that the Belarusian regime will be held accountable and prosecuted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for the crimes against humanity committed in Belarus. Several European countries, such as Lithuania and Poland, can prosecute Belarusian officials for crimes against humanity either under universal jurisdiction or within the ICC. At least two victories in such universal jurisdiction cases are needed to encourage Belarusians fighting for justice to make their voices heard. Several cases have already been brought forward with brave and talented local lawyers working, and many more are needed to encourage other victims to contact the courts and encourage prosecutors to move on.
