As progressives in Washington prepare for the next Trump administration, they face an existential crisis like never before.
Not only are many Democrats at odds with their own party, with many trying to blame them for the November defeat, but some on the left are openly fearful of an emboldened Republican party to influence their side.
“What effective things can we do when they control everything?” said Joseph Geevarghese, who runs the grassroots organizing group Our Revolution. “They will use state power against us. “I think they’re going to target liberals,” he said. “This is a very difficult moment.”
Progressives came under fire for the first time since last week’s election. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) lost a key leadership position on the House Oversight and Accountability Committee. This is a sign that their influence has diminished significantly. Not only did fellow Democrats reject her policies, they preferred an older male candidate, Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.), whose profile is similar to that of former Rep. Joe Crowley (D-Va.) So she was kicked out. 6 years ago.
Republican lawmakers, including President-elect Trump, publicly ridiculed her efforts.
“It’s a real shame that AOC lost her battle for the top spot in the Democratic Party. She must keep trying. “I will succeed one day!” Trump posted on his platform, Truth Social.
The loss is emblematic of an evolving political landscape that has proven difficult for progressives over the past few cycles. The surge of energy that fueled the formation of the “Squad” in 2018 has waned as some Democrats question its future.
Trump’s victory over Vice President Harris all but extinguished the momentum that progressives had hoped would carry them forward on Capitol Hill. The Democratic Party’s main strategy against Trump has not been effective, and progressives have failed to differentiate themselves from other anti-Trump voices in the party.
Ocasio-Cortez and her mentor, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), each have enormous national appeal. They are popular with young and working-class voters. Democrats say they need the most help to win. It’s an open question as to what specifically they can do moving forward.
Some allies who have helped boost the political careers of progressive lawmakers say left-leaning lawmakers must now find new influence beyond D.C.
“I think it’s always been about organizing,” said one former Sanders campaign adviser. “The practical work that can be done is not just about legislation. It’s about building a grassroots network that can influence things at all levels.”
“After discussing it with people, I think it could happen organically,” the former adviser said.
Both Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez have long relied on small donations to fund their bids, shunning corporate donations and encouraging others to provide support by donating just a few dollars. Some now fear that Republicans are beginning to attempt to further curb their rise by weaponizing the micromodel against them.
“Elon Musk and Mike Johnson are looking at Act Blue,” Geevarghese said of the platform used by progressives and other Democrats to raise funds. “They know that’s our source of funding. … “It’s a signal.”
Sanders has been critical of the Democratic Party because Trump’s victory exposed major flaws in states with large working-class voters. He called for a shift in his party’s priorities to focus more on economic issues, breaking away from the unifying rhetoric most members used just before the election and going into introspection and even attack mode.
The economy-first approach is what got so many progressives from non-traditional backgrounds elected to Capitol Hill in the first place. Ocasio-Cortez famously worked as a bartender before taking office, mirroring the trajectories of other “squad” members. For example, Rep. Cori Bush (D-Mo.) was a nurse and Rep. Jamaal Bowman (D-Mo.) was a school principal. Both were defeated by more centrist opponents.
Faced with a lack of potential, others on the left are trying a new strategy of merging some of the progressive goals that suit their tastes with the populist terrain favored by Trump. The handful of lawmakers who have tried the case, including Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) and Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), have drawn attention from some opponents.
Many progressives are starting to buy into that tactic, perhaps because there are few good options. “We need to work with DOGE and point out what the inefficiencies are in the system, like fossil fuel subsidies,” Geevarghese said. Although it is a formal institution, the project conceived by Elon Musk has received much acclaim from conservatives. “It’s going to be a big fight when the Trump tax cuts expire next year.”
“Another example would be Department of Defense spending,” he said. “I think we need to get involved in this and have a real fight about whether or not we should fund certain initiatives. The question is whether we can find a common cause.”
Some say this is the beginning of a further step forward for Democrats, who have expressed deep dissatisfaction with their leadership, strategists and how the party organization operates.
“The party needs to do its own calculations,” said Corryn Freeman, a progressive operative and executive director of the Future Coalition, an organizing network. “They are speaking with their mouths, but their actions are completely consistent with the same identity that has put us in our current helpless position.”
“People are dying for us. I would not say our own Donald Trump and our own Marjorie Taylor Greene. Because those people are unhinged. But Democrats are dying for people who are willing to stand up, take arbitrary action, and call the shots. “They go out as they see it.” Freeman said.
Another progressive strategist encouraged people in the party to reexamine their roots and reclaim relevant parts of their platform from the Republican Party.
“I don’t know exactly when the Democratic Party lost its comfort with populism, but I don’t think it was because Trump chose populism,” he said. “I think Trump picked it because the Democrats abandoned it during the Obama era when they started going after Silicon Valley money. Obama wanted to appeal to college-educated people who find populism strange and uneducated.”
“We replaced that with a very noticeable humility,” the strategist added.
