Dec 18 (IPS) – In May 2024, Togo’s President Faure Gnassingbe signed a new constitution that will transform the country from a presidential system to a parliamentary system. Under this new system, members of Congress would be responsible for electing the president.
Supporters of the reform argue that this transition reduces Faure Gnassingbé’s power by making the presidency a ceremonial role. Human Rights Minister Yawa Djigbodi Tségan argued that the changes would improve democracy in the country. But the opposition called it a “constitutional coup,” accusing Gnassingbé of using it to consolidate his power by removing term limits.
The new constitution extended the presidential term from five to six years and limited it to a single term. However, this calculation does not include the approximately 20 years that Gnassingbé has already been in office.
The reform was passed by the National Assembly led by Gnassingbé’s ruling Union pour la République (UNIR). Despite public opposition, the president implemented the amendments after his party secured a majority in parliament.
history of power and oppression
The Gnassingbe family’s dominance began with President Gnassingbe Eyadema, who came to power in 1967, just a few years after Togo gained independence from France. Eyadema was in power for 38 years, during which time he abolished presidential term limits in 2002. His regime was marred by severe repression and allegations of human rights abuses, including violent repression of protests and political assassinations.
Human rights groups such as Amnesty International have frequently criticized Eyadema’s government for its brutality, but Eyadema has dismissed these claims as part of a denigration campaign against him and insisted that true Togolese democracy is based on security and peace.
After Eyadema’s death in 2005, his son Faure Gnassingbé was installed as president by the military, sparking widespread protests and violence. Fauré subsequently won elections in 2005, 2010, 2015, and 2020. Although term limits were restored in 2019, they were not retroactive, meaning Faure could remain in office until at least 2030.
The Constitutional Appearance of Gnassingbé
Many critics claim that the recent constitutional changes are merely a cover for Faure Gnassingbé to maintain control. Under the new system, the president will have a largely ceremonial role, with real power expected to rest with the “Chairman of the Council of Ministers,” who will then pass to Gnassingbe himself.
Ahead of the vote last April, the government took measures to restrict civil liberties, including banning protests, arresting opposition leaders, and banning the Catholic Church from sending election observers. Foreign reporters were also banned from reporting on the incident.
Ghanaian political analyst Abdul Majeed Hajj Sibo told IPS that the reforms were a façade designed to give the illusion of democracy.
“Even the elections that brought Faure back to power are rigged. This constitutional façade is intended to fool the Togolese people into believing that there has been change, but in reality nothing has changed,” Sibo said.
Sizo Nkala, a researcher at the University of Johannesburg’s Center for African-Chinese Studies, argues that Faure’s rule is part of a broader trend of “strongman politics” in Africa. He points out that Faure, like many other African leaders, has used a combination of patronage, violence, racial favoritism, fake elections and fake constitutional amendments to stay in power.
“This is a common playbook used by dictators across the continent,” Nkala said.
Nkala assumes that Togo has effectively transitioned to a parliamentary system, similar to South Africa, but that the environment in which elections are held makes a big difference.
“South Africa is a vibrant multi-party democracy where elections are reasonably free and fair. This is why the African National Congress (ANC), which has been in power since 1994, lost seats in the May election and was forced to form a coalition government with other parties. Moreover, although South African lawmakers follow party lines, they enjoy a degree of autonomy. The same can be said about the Togolese parliament and the electoral process. Elections are frequently rigged and lawmakers have no power to act on their beliefs. “Unlike South Africa, in Togo there is no real separation of powers between the executive and legislature, which has led to the dictatorship and authoritarianism we see today,” he added.
The opposition party is on fire.
Togo’s opposition has long faced a harsh political environment. Protests calling for democratic reforms have often been repressed by the government. When Faure came to power after Eyadema’s death in 2005, mass protests erupted, killing up to 500 people and displacing many others.
The slogan “Faure Must Go” became a rallying cry, but government crackdowns continued to stifle the efforts of opponents.
“The last thing the Gnassingbé regime would want to see is a strong opposition organization. It therefore threw a spanner in the opposition’s play. This is one of the reasons why the opposition party won only five of the 113 seats in parliament in the April elections,” Nkala told IPS.
He added: “The Togolese opposition has tried to mount a united challenge to the Gnassingbe government. Because they work in very difficult environments where activists can be subjected to violence, arbitrarily imprisoned, kidnapped or even killed without justice simply for campaigning. It violates the constitutional rights to dissent, freedom of association and freedom of expression.”
Analysts also say rifts and disputes between Togo’s opposition parties are also limiting factors.
“The opposition needs to unite and fight as a single bloc, but they have not been able to do so,” Sibo told IPS. He added that the opposition’s past election boycotts only strengthened Gnassingbe’s grip on power.
Kwesi Obeng, a socio-political and inclusive governance expert at the University of Ghana, told IPS that progress will be difficult to make because the opposition party is not only fragmented but also has a small, very close-knit political and economic elite. The Gnassingbé family effectively took over the Togo State and all its institutions. This control over state power and resources has made it very difficult for any group to break through, he says.
He argued that this situation resulted in wealth being concentrated in the hands of a few individuals.
“Many people live below the poverty line. In fact, half (about 58%) of Togolese living in rural areas actually live in poverty. Additionally, about a quarter of people living in urban areas also live below the poverty line. Therefore, a significant portion of the population lives insecure lives with little access to jobs, income or basic services,” Obeng said.
Despite the ruling party’s dominance, the resilience of the opposition shows that there are still people willing to risk their lives for change. Nkala added that the opposition’s persistence despite adversity was a testament to the determination of millions of Togolese people. I would like to see the end of the Gnassingbe dynasty.
International response and France’s role
France has maintained close ties with the Gnassingbé family, which has drawn ire from Togo. After Fauré was re-elected in February 2020 (the opposition accused him of rigging the election), France sent him a congratulatory letter, sparking controversy.
Critics like Sibo argue that France continues to support the dictatorship for economic reasons.
Former French President Jacques Chirac called President Gnassingbe Eyadema “a friend of France and a personal friend” despite human rights abuses linked to his regime.
Sibo believes that this loyalty to the Gnassingbé dynasty contributed to France’s reluctance to challenge the regime.
“France will turn a blind eye to the atrocities committed by the Gnassingbe family as long as it serves its own interests,” Sibo said.
Obeng agrees with Sibo’s views. “France operates the port, which is a major contributor to Togo’s GDP, and many of the country’s major companies are partly French-owned. Therefore, I believe that the French government is not interested in maintaining the status quo regarding Togo’s governance system and structure. Since the Sahelian countries have driven the French out of that part of the continent, France now has little foothold. As a result, they are reluctant to destabilize a country like Togo, which could potentially join the ranks of countries that have expelled the French from their territory.”
Efforts by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) to resolve Togo’s political problems have been limited. Analysts say ECOWAS’s failure to take action on the situation in Togo has damaged its reputation as a leader promoting regional stability and development.
In 2015, ECOWAS attempted to introduce presidential term limits across member states, but was blocked by Togo and Gambia.
Experts such as Nkala are of the opinion that these organizations lack the legal authority to intervene effectively and that reform is needed to give them real power to enforce democratic protocols in member states.
Concerns are growing about President Faure Gnassingbé’s role at the US-Africa Business Summit. Observers have noted that Western countries and organizations often do not truly advocate for democracy in Africa. Critics argue that these groups tend to prioritize their own agendas and often side with questionable governments.
the way forward
With Fauré’s party holding a strong majority in parliament, it appears unlikely the government will fall anytime soon, critics told IPS.
Nkala believes that political change is unlikely in the near future unless Gnassingbé loses control of the military or faces a serious challenge within his own party.
“The military is the core of Faure’s power and as long as they remain loyal, he will continue to rule Togo,” Nkala said.
Obeng said it would be very difficult for the opposition to oust the government as long as elites continued to control state institutions, including the organization of elections.
He added, “The opposition party clearly rigged the election, and because of this, some lawmakers chose not to participate.” The Togolese opposition has already ruled that the election was rigged and we must take their accusations seriously.”
But Sibo remains hopeful that greater unity will allow the opposition to eventually challenge the government. “The opposition party must focus on building a unified front,” he said. “If we can do that, there is still an opportunity for change.”
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© Interpress Service (2024) — All Rights ReservedOriginal source: Interpress Service
