We are constantly listening to the way Americans are politically polarized at any time. Even in the return to the president of Donald Trump, we see the Democratic battle of the Democratic Party planning to return to the fight between integration and victory republican.
But party polarization does not capture much more important reality. We are not divided into the opposite left camp. Rather, we are fractured into society with numerous competitive worldviews, policy positions and identity.
Beyond the polarization, we live under the condition of “hypertrophy”. People are divided into numerous political factions, and they are divided into numerous political factions with new abilities to create policy demands and unstable the center of old power.
We are seeing hyperophysics in social media, so political organizations are easier and more destructive. We see it in a way that consumes news that shatters a general understanding of this case.
We see this among lawmakers that politicians previously seen to political parties. Posts on social media can reach political audiences directly and raise thousands of dollars.
Excessiveism is the result of the spread of political speeches on social media, podcasts and news websites. It comes from the power of those who have previously nationally meets the nation’s audience and obtain essential financial support, whether they were Nancy Mace (RS.C.) or Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (DN.Y.). Freedom Compon or Black Lives Matter, Joe Rogan or The Young Turks.
Super flowers are clear in the destructive forces of American politics, which are characteristic of the 21st century. On January 6, the National Assembly’s riots, tea party and squad, and anti -blood vessels.
The consequences of excessiveism throughout our politics are imposing. This is not a sign of democratic deliberation between liberalism and conservatives, when Americans do not agree with whether the Ukrainian invasion is bad, whether the vaccine is a good idea, or whether the violent attack on the US Parliamentary Party is a peaceful protest. They are scattered of the bells, ideas, interests and identity of society where shattered society.
James Madison said, “The Zeal for other opinions” is “sprayed in the nature of a person.” In his solution, the US government is designed to check the power between competing camps and the center of government authorities.
Madison said, “You must be ambitious to cope with your ambition.” This system will guarantee the competition of interest and ideas, prevent the tyranny of the majority and minorities, preserve freedom, and serve the end of justice.
Pluralism was a good thing. The open society will encourage citizens’ discussions and solutions for common good. However, the explosion of public discourse and participation on the Internet, which caused hyperophysicism, torn us and fractured us from so much different interests and perspectives. It is difficult to achieve a common line when there is no conflict, and it is difficult to agree with what we have in common.
There is no easy solution to what we call too many factions. In ideology, there is no school of clear thoughts that we can all agree with us all. Progressive left, neoliberal worldists, and faith and faith conservatives have little in common in terms of political philosophy or policy preference to nominate some major political divisions.
Modifying the constitution on bold solutions, such as passing the law, enacting proportional representatives, or ending gerrymandering, will be divided into a voter who has no agreement with the council and agreement.
On the other hand, the Internet has become easy to see people in their political bubbles, and social media algorithms are designed to fall further. Under these conditions of these hypersensitivity, it is more likely that Americans are more likely to be “oppressed with VEX than to cooperate for common lines.”
So we are. Trump is bothering the country on the Republican Union’s honeymoon. But under this wave of victory, there is a fractured society.
For many people, Trump himself is challenging the democratic system as if there is no one in our lifetime. More challenges for those institutions can be division between those they want to unite.
There is a question of whether Madison’s great solution can be maintained under these strains.
Dr. Brian Alexander is a director of Washington, a political associate professor of Washington and Lee University and an experiential learning program for college students. He is the author of the “Social theory of Parliament: Legislative Norms of the 21st Century”.
